Our mission is to join individuals and groups working in different ways to ensure that our children live in a rational, sustainable world.
When enough people abandon the belief that war is inevitable,it will become unthinkable.
War is conducted for corporate Empire. Therefore,the first step to ending war is ending corporate control of the US government.
All social justice efforts lead to the end of war, the ultimate injustice. Those who work for justice are Soldiers For Peace.
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A
recent Associated
Press article by Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar outlined a number of problems with
the Affordable Care Act (ACA) that “are leading some to wonder whether “Obamacare”
will go down as a failed experiment.” Paradoxically, news that Obamacare is in
crisis should be encouraging for anyone who understands the economics of health
care. Until people heavily invested in
defending it against unfair attacks see that it won’t work, they won’t understand
the need to demand a health care system that will.
While it’s a shame that the number of uninsured will rise before the problem
can be fixed, that is the inevitable cost of dismissing the only real solution
to rising health care costs and decreasing access: a single payer system. Robert
Reich recently argued this, but he missed the main point. He was right that
Obamacare has led to decreased competition as insurance companies consolidated
and took over state markets, but this is not what will kill it. The real reason was evident before the debate
on health insurance reform began. It’s called the “death spiral” of health care
costs.
The death spiral is simple to explain. The more health care costs rise, the
fewer people can afford it. This leads insurers to increase premiums and
deductibles in order to maintain profits, leading in turn to fewer people
buying insurance, and the cycle repeats. A 2005
study published in American Family
Physician projected that the average individual would pay 100% of her
income for health care at then-current rates of inflation! This trend started before
Obamacare. It was built into the system. It is the reason 45 million Americans
were underinsured in 2008. It was the
inescapable consequence of a system of private insurance.
Of course, no one will pay all of their income for medical insurance. Very few
would pay half of that. However, that’s exactly what the AFP study predicted that
would have been the average cost in 2015. That hasn’t happened, but it isn’t
because Obamacare has decreased the rate of health care cost inflation. The
relative stability of health care costs over the last few years started before
ACA’s main provisions took effect, and the
rate of inflation has picked up again, worse than before.
ACA manages to mask some of the astronomical cost of medical insurance by
providing billions of tax dollars to prevent large premium subsidies for a
significant segment of the market. According
to the AP article cited above, over 80% of Healthcare.gov customers get
subsidies of about 70% of their premiums. That’s tax money going straight into
private pockets for a “service” that adds nothing of value to the provision of
health care. Obamacare was, more than anything else, a bailout of a failing Wall-Street
owned medical insurance industry. The question is, at what point are Americans
going to catch on and realize that pouring all that money into the system just
to maintain shareholder profits is a fool’s game?
Obamacare only delays the day of reckoning for a system that is pricing itself
out of existence. If the ACA had not
passed, it would be on the verge of collapse now. As it is, insurers are
dropping out of exchanges due to unanticipated costs of meeting the standards
of ACA that are hurting the bottom line, despite
large rate increases as the major provisions of Obamacare kicked in. Rates
for individual insurance outside the plan continue to rise by double digits. It’s
so bad that the
largest provider in Tennessee is requesting increases averaging 62%. In
part because of uncontrolled costs, the ACA has also left 29 million uninsured.
According to the Congressional Budget Office, that number is not expected to
change much even if states currently resisting Medicaid expansion join the
program.
There are many
other major problems with Obamacare, almost all of which arise from the
fact that it is insurance-based. For instance, subsidies still leave a 40 year
old man earning $25,000 per year liable for up to $5000 in copays and
deductibles. Such costs deter many from seeking needed care. Those trying to minimize premiums, especially
young, healthy adults, often opt for high-deductible plans that could leave
them responsible for the first $10,000 in bills and a share of anything over
that. In case of catastrophic illness or injury, almost anyone can end up
bankrupt. Medical expenses are estimated to be the cause of 60% of
bankruptcies. Single payer health insurance thus amounts to bankruptcy
insurance as well. That is just one of many
benefits of such systems, in addition to the fact that they can provide
universal health care at a fraction of the cost of our current non-system.
It’s time to face the facts. Obamacare may have been the best that Democrats
could produce, but it is not even close to a solution to the problem of rising costs
and declining access to health care. There is no excuse for claiming that
single payer is not possible, as Clinton has. To say this is an admission that
it is impossible to address the corrupting influence of money in politics. That
is not acceptable in a nation that claims to be a democracy. The vast majority
of Democrats favor single payer. It’s time they stand up and demand it. Waiting
until a Congress awash in Wall Street money to do it on its own is never going
to work. We can wait for the system to collapse of its own dead weight, or we
can work to make our members of Congress force a real debate on health care
reform.
While
Americans are justly concerned about the ongoing humanitarian disaster in
Syria, they must be careful whose narrative they accept before deciding what we
should do about it. Both sides have been responsible for civilian deaths and
torture, but we are only being told one side of the story, and a distorted one at
that. Though readily apparent to anyone who wants to look at the facts, the
American role in the violence is never clearly spelled out. For instance, famous "humanitarian" Nicholas Kristof has been on the bandwagon arguing for US military
intervention. It’s only right that the plight of Syrians he is highlighting
should be put in proper perspective.
In his latest article, Kristof makes an emotionally powerful appeal for Obama to take in Syrian refugees. However,
in doing so he compares the violence in Syria with the Nazi attempt to conquer the Western
world. The truth is that the Syrian conflict, though often called a “civil war,” is actually a
case of a sovereign nation defending itself against an invasion of foreign
terrorists sponsored by the US, Saudi Arabia and their allies.
The US government claims the right to topple the government of Syria for its
own purposes, regardless of the effect on the civilian population. The claim of
“humanitarian intervention” is unjustified either by the facts or international
law. The effort is being led by a known al Qaeda affiliate, a fact not well concealed
by claims about a mythical “moderate rebel” faction. It makes no sense to blame
the resulting carnage on a government that is defending its sovereignty against
a ruthless and brutal enemy.
Kristof’s implied comparison of Assad to Hitler might be written off as a bad
analogy, except that, almost as an afterthought, he chides Obama for not doing “more
to end the slaughter.” Since taking in more refugees would do nothing to ease
the conflict, he must be referring to his previous arguments for a no-fly zone (here and here).
“Establishing a no-fly zone” means attacking the Syrian military. That’s an act
of war. Since neither we nor any NATO ally has been attacked by Syria, it would
constitute another illegal war of aggression, much like Iraq. Vietnam might be
a better comparison, since both involve baiting the targeted country, as the US
did in the Gulf of Tonkin. There, as in Iraq, we went to war based on lies. Or
perhaps Libya is the closest comparison, since the NATO attack on the Libyan
people and government forces started with a no-fly zone. Although that war used
the legal fig leaf of a UN resolution, a Syrian no-fly zone would not. Having
been fooled into supporting one illegal NATO war, Russia and China will not
support such a resolution again. If NATO
acts unilaterally, it will be even more blatantly illegal than the attack on
Libya. The results would be at least as disastrous.
A major difference between Vietnam and Syria is that Russia has combat troops
in Syria. An attack could be construed as an attack against Russia, which is
legally in the country at the request of the Syrian government. The US recently
threatened to do just that when the Syrian Army bombed separatist Kurdish
forces, with which US Special Forces were illegally embedded.
Clinton and other neocons seem unconcerned with the possibility of sparking a
war with a nuclear-armed power. They are calling for a no-fly zone or even more
aggressive actions. Trump would be under intense pressure to abandon his
no-regime-change position and do the same. No one in the foreign policy
establishment appears willing or able to question the groupthink under which it
is operating.
Few in Congress seem to understand that most of the official statements coming
from the White House, the Pentagon, the State Department and the intelligence
community reflect a distorted, one-sided view of the conflict that ignores the
facts, international law and common sense. It’s our job to educate them and
demand that the government attack the real roots of the terror in Saudi Arabia,
Turkey, Israel and Washington itself.
In the endless discussion about the murder of five Dallas law enforcement officers, the most basic issue is being ignored. The shooting was not just a symptom of racism. While obviously a factor in events that day, racism and racial violence have always been present. However, expressing it by mass murder has not. This phenomenon may be related to the fact that mass shootings in general are becoming more common.It is a measure of the extent to which violence has been normalized that few are seriously questioning why. While many people think they have easy explanations for mass shootings, behavioral
scientists have not been able to find evidence for a specific cause. Though
some form of mental disturbance can be assumed, that does not explain the fact
that these acts are increasing. The rising rate suggests sociological factors
are involved. There is reason to think that a major one may be the
militarization of US society in general. These acts of mass violence, like combat and
unlike most acts of individual violence, are impersonal in the sense that they
are not typically directed toward specific identified individuals. This difference
may help explain why mass killings are increasing while the
rate of violent crime in general is falling. In other words, it isn’t violence in general
that is rising but indiscriminate, mass violence. Just like war.
It’s hard to deny that we are a militarized society. Police departments around
the country have been given DOD weapons under a program
justified by the “War on Terror.” At the same time, use
and misuse of heavily armed SWAT teams has exploded, despite the drop in
violent crime. Neither of these trends has been seriously challenged by
government or the citizens it is supposed to represent. Black Lives Matter is dramatizing
the racist police violence that has always been part of the African-American
experience, even if new videos of police murders were not going viral every
other week until now. Peaceful protests of these murders and other outrages are
often treated
as terrorist events, with paramilitary police conducting using intimidation,
mass arrests and martial law in a preemptive fashion. It is hardly any wonder
that citizens are perceived as the enemy by many officers. It is predictable
that unstable individuals will see all law enforcement officers in the same
way.
Think about it. Americans under the age of 18 cannot remember a time when the
US was not at war. While the ostensible goal is to eliminate terror, it is
obvious that terror has only increased. The millions of Americans who haven’t
yet realized that the “War on Terror” is self-defeating seem to accept that endless
war is inevitable. That should not be surprising, since most of us who are old
enough to know better seem to have forgotten there was a time when it was
assumed that wars would eventually end. Instead of growing anger at America’s
increasingly belligerent foreign policy and all the misery it is creating, we passively
accept the glorification of the US military. Professional sports and the
corporate media constantly praise the military its members. Our children
are being aggressively recruited before they are old enough to understand the
risks of what they are agreeing to.
How can they know what they are volunteering for, when the media covers
almost nothing about the reality of how the US military operates around the
world, to say nothing about what the real aims of US foreign policy are?
The US has led or supported disastrous interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan,
Libya and Syria while supporting a fascist government at war with its own
people in Ukraine, backing a right wing Israeli government staging a brutal and
illegal occupation opposed by a significant number of its citizens, and constantly
agitating against Russia and Iran. No thinking person can believe that there is
a logical end game planned except in the delusional minds of those Wall Street
interests bent on global corporate domination, and they are not saying what
that is.
Despite the chaos, destruction and cost in lives and treasure of US foreign
policy, and even in the face of attempts at “political revolution” by both
liberals and conservatives, there is little organized protest against the war
industry and all it represents. Myopically focused on their personal
circumstances, most Americans do not stop to think about what their government
is doing to others around the world in their name. How can we demand justice for Americans when
we are so willing to deny it to people in other nations with no say in the
decisions that are destroying their lives? Even if that were possible, we could
have justice in the US when the national resources are so heavily invested in the
destruction business.
War is considered normal in the US. There is little objection to a proposed war
by members of whichever party occupies the White House at the time. When a
Democrat is in office, almost no party regulars find reason to object to any
war. Although only defensive wars are legal,
Americans largely got behind a “preemptive” war in Iraq. Even after that proved
a disaster, they failed to protest the next wars, because American troops were
not involved in large numbers. Once the
majority of the American public accepted that war was normal, the alarm over
the escalating War of Terror and associated increasing abridgement of civil
rights by Presidents of both parties was muted and soon, largely forgotten. What politicians and the corporate media
ignore are non-issues.
This blasé acceptance of violence on a global scale cannot help but have
consequences for the individual American psyche. How much more true is that for
veterans who have seen the reality of war? Most, motivated by economic
desperation or misguided patriotism, have no idea what they have signed up for
until they are “in the shit.” Killing, or seeing a close comrade killed in
front of you, does horrific damage to the soul of normal humans. They cannot
heal if they return to a society that has no real appreciation for their
sacrifices, doesn’t care to ask if what they gave up their freedoms and risked
their lives for was worth sacrificing for, and is largely ignorant of what they
went through to “defend their freedoms.”
Reports of Micah Johnson’s military record focus only on his alleged sexual
misconduct. Nothing is said about what he experienced in Afghanistan. Perhaps it
doesn’t matter. He was clearly unstable, though he might be forgiven for seeing
the violence against fellow African-Americans an issue of Black vs White or cop
vs civilian in his mind. He was trained to think that way his whole life. If we
really want to do something about the epidemic of random violence, we have to
start thinking about our own willingness to divide humanity into “us” vs “them.”
Once we realize it is only “us,” our duty is clear.
In order to sustain the momentum that Sanders has built for a political
revolution, we have to continue to attract new people to the cause, regardless
of the outcome of the primary and general elections. Should Sanders win, this will occur naturally
as Clinton supporters grudgingly fall in behind him like the faithful party
members they are. If he loses and Hillary goes on to win the general election,
it will be much more difficult to convince Clintonites to join the effort. They
are, after all, pretty much by definition willing to settle for whatever the
party can give them. How else could they enthusiastically support someone who
represents everything the other half of the party is revolting against?
They are also very angry that Sanders continues to use his campaign to
criticize the party, which they see as irresponsible since it boosts chances of
a Trump victory. As usual, supporters of the Democratic status quo want to
blame those who refuse to go along for the results of their complacency.
It’s obvious that the division between Sanders supporters and Clinton backers
is growing, even while the Democratic establishment is demanding that the party
come together to prevent a Trump presidency. Clinton supporters are alarmed and
angry that Bernie’s legions do not bow down defeated, or at least be grateful
for a symbolic place at the table in July. After all, they would line up behind
Sanders if he had beaten all odds and prevailed despite the systemic disadvantages
he faced. They cannot understand how any
Democrat could consider not voting for anyone with a D after her name if it
meant keeping a Republican out of the White House.
Given this simplistic view of politics, Clintonites conclude that Sanders
supporters are just being unreasonable. They attribute the anger they are
seeing to youthful naïveté, misogyny, or the fact that Sanders continues to
express anger at the Democratic status quo. Only the latter argument has any
serious basis, but only a blind partisan would argue that criticizing what the
party has become is a bad thing. In fact, their failure to acknowledge the validity
of Sanders’ critique is the real source of his supporters’ anger.
If Clinton’s advocates cannot be made to understand the central importance of
Sanders’ challenge to the corruption of the system, we must look elsewhere to
build a movement that continues when the Sanders campaign ends. Should she prevail in November, it may
actually be easier to recruit Trump followers to the cause than her supporters.
Not being blinded by the corporate media spin on Wall Street’s darling, Trump’s
fans may be more amenable than Clinton supporters to the idea of working together
on issues on which most Americans agree. Trump and Sanders supporters already have in
common that they both reject the Duopoly leadership. Both are increasingly
aware that Duopoly politicians are subservient to interests other than our own.
Given the positions Trump has taken, it is clear that his supporters are not as
ideological as progressives typically assume Republicans to be. If we can learn
to stop thinking in partisan terms, we can find common cause on many issues. In
addition to mutual contempt for the Duopoly establishment, there is widespread
nonpartisan agreement many critical issues that Trump and Sanders support and on
which Clinton’s record is at odds with public opinion.
It’s time to abandon the assumption that politics is a battle between
fundamentally opposing forces of the right, represented by Republicans, and a left
represented by Democrats. This
simplistic dichotomy is so deeply engrained in Clinton supporters that they cannot
comprehend why Sanders and his supporters are challenging what the Democratic
Party has become. Their identification with the party brand is so strong that
many question whether an independent progressive like Sanders is a “real
Democrat,” but fail to ask themselves how they define the term. They assume
that any politician who calls herself one is, regardless of how much her
neoliberal and neoconservative record resembles that of a typical Republican. For
many such Democrats, the choice is not which candidate best represents them but
whether that candidate can prevent the dreaded outcome of a Republican in the
White House. They consider themselves on
“the left” simply by virtue of party membership.
In contrast, Trump supporters do not identify with the Republican Party, even
if most are members. Among them are many who might be persuaded to consider the
Sanders message, if their candidate does not win and they face four to eight
years of Clinton. Sure, some are just attracted by racism and many by his
willingness to say whatever foolish thought crosses his mind, but many Trump
enthusiasts like some of the good ideas he claims to support. Many of his
positions echo those of Sanders: opposing free trade, ending policies of regime
change, mandating a living wage, restoring civil liberties, having a more
balanced relationship with Israel and most importantly, campaign finance
reform. A great many people are
impressed by the fact that Trump’s campaign is largely self-funded. True or
not, they see this as evidence that he is not beholden to special interests. Those
who think these issues are important are people who may be able to understand
that “making America great again” has nothing to do with making it whiter and
everything to do with ending corruption of government by special interests.
The average Trump booster may even be more ready for political revolution than
some Sanders supporters. All of them firmly reject the Republican establishment,
while many Sanders supporters are ready to vote for Clinton she wins the
nomination, despite the fact that she stands for everything Sanders is fighting
against. Those of us dedicated to bringing about political revolution know that
it begins with challenging the corruption of the system. That starts by
refusing to vote for any politician who is the clear choice of the same
interests that back both Duopoly parties. Maverick status is another thing that
Trump and Sanders share. If we stick to issues and not personalities, there is
a chance that we can overcome the suspiciousness that the corporate media and
politicians have deliberately created between us and work together toward the
common goal of establishing representative government in the US.
It is the opposition to being led by politicians who put the interest of the economic
elite over those of average Americans that should bind people from across the
political spectrum in this common cause. When 80% of Americans have expressed
opposition to Citizens United, it seems obvious that we should be able to work
together to do something about it. That is exactly what the Sanders revolution
is all about. If we want politicians to represent us, we have to stop applying
ideological labels to ideas that can lead to solutions to problems that affect
us all. “Conservative” and “liberal”
should be relative terms, not absolutes. If we don’t allow others define what
we are supposed to believe, we can find that consensus necessary for true
representative government. If we can
make it that far, we can then decide through the democratic process what kind
of country we want to be.
Those of us on the left know that what Sanders calls a "revolution" is only the first step in the transformation necessary to produce a just society. Some of us labor under the delusion that if we are patient, some day Americans will rise up and overthrow the system that oppresses us. Even more unreasonably, some think this can somehow be done without dirtying our hands in electoral politics. Others argue that it can only be done by building a third party to challenge the corporate Duopoly. While creating an alternative to the Duopoly will play a role in the ultimate transformation of American politics, it will take many years to realize. We simply do not have the luxury of time. The reality is that global climate change sets an upper limit on how long we have to act. Until we begin electing candidates who will stand up to the Wall Street-dominated fossil fuels industry, we are living with a sword hanging over our heads. When "liberal" Americans seem prepared to select the darling of Wall Street to represent them in the presidential election, there is too much groundwork to be done to create a viable third party before it is too late.
Clinton's success despite her high unfavorability ratings shows how far we have to go to educate the public about the need for revolution and what that will entail. We must begin with the system as it is, meet the people where they are at, and hope that by speaking to them in their language, we can lead them to question the assumptions that keep them captive of a system designed to favor the interests of the powerful. That means elections matter, even if one victory does not in itself constitute a "revolution." They provide platforms from which to educate and organize those who have not given up altogether on rescuing the US and the world from the dire circumstances we have allowed it to fall into. Sanders has shown how this can be done without depending on the very interests who control the system to get this opportunity.
The question remains as to whether the Sanders candidacy
will advance the cause of a real revolution, or impede it. If his supporters simply cave in and support
Clinton, they will show that they are unwilling to challenge the practice of
fear-based “strategic” voting promoted by the Democratic leadership. The grip
on power of the party elite depends on successfully convincing us that voting
for corporate Democrats is the only alternative to Republican rule. It is not.
If their jobs depended on it, these power brokers would have to give us
candidates who actually represent the People’s will. If the majority of Democrats continue to
accept the lesser of two evils logic, they have no reason to expect that the
party’s steady drift to the right will ever end. If they refuse to vote for the
anointed candidate of the limousine liberals, we have a chance to force change.
A lot of people have been saying since the beginning of the
Democratic primary campaign that Sanders would end up doing more harm than good
to the cause of fundamentally changing the system of American politics.
Assuming that he would lose in the end, they pointed out that his ultimate
endorsement of Clinton would serve simply to shore up a party that can no longer
generate excitement among even its most faithful members because its chosen
candidates are unwilling to challenge the moneyed interests that he is
targeting. The naysayer’s argument was
that, like past insurgent candidates for the Democratic nomination, he would
serve as a sheepherder for the Duopoly party claiming to represent “the People”
by encouraging his disappointed supporters to rally round the choice of the
Establishment. While this is a distinct possibility, those committed to a real
revolution need to understand that we cannot succeed without learning to
recognize and capitalize on every opportunity.
Whether or not Sanders wins the nomination, his amazing run
presents such an opening, one we may not get again. While he can help advance
the cause beyond the convention, let’s remember that he has told us endlessly
that the outcome of the struggle is in our hands. We have to be prepared to
respond to the very real possibility that Sanders himself will abdicate
leadership in the movement he has begun, even while encouraging him to stay the
course. We have to help him fight for every vote to continue getting his
message out during the campaign and at the convention. We must also encourage
him to set his sights higher than simply making the case for progressive
policies before a convention run by politicians whose primary interest is
maintaining power and who believe that can only be done by kowtowing to the
corporate elite. Words must be followed
by action.
Ralph
Nader recently argued that if Sanders were to lose at convention, he could
still keep his word to endorse Clinton, while challenging her corporate vision.
There is nothing to stop him from continuing his assault on neoliberalism and
corruption that is the root cause of America’s malaise. While justifying his
ongoing efforts as a way to rally his troops to defeat Trump, he can continue
to barnstorm in favor of the Democrats. The key is that rather than promoting
the failed policies of Clintonism, he can argue for those Democratic values
that people want to believe the party represents. This will prepare us for
continuing to fight for them if Clinton is elected, rather than abandoning the
fight as Obama supporters did after 2008, with predictable results.
A true political revolution must be based on addressing the
corruption upon which the current system is built. Sanders has gotten the ball
rolling, focusing our attention on the fact that the entire progressive
movement depends on dealing with this problem. With our encouragement, he can
keep the movement going forward. Even without his cooperation, we can proceed
on our own. He has provided us a glimpse of our collective power. We have to
use it, organizing around the issue of corruption and highlighting how the
consequences play out in a Clinton presidency, as they no doubt will if her
policies are consistent with her atrocious record of neoliberalism,
neoconservatism and generally favoring the interests of Wall Street over Main
Street.
A true political revolution must be based on addressing the corruption upon which the current system is built. Sanders has gotten the ball rolling, focusing our attention on the fact that the entire progressive movement depends on dealing with this problem. With our encouragement, he can keep the movement going forward. Even without his cooperation, we can proceed on our own. He has provided us a glimpse of our collective power. We have to use it, organizing around the issue of corruption and highlighting how the consequences play out in a Clinton presidency, as they no doubt will if her policies are consistent with her atrocious record of neoliberalism, neoconservatism and generally favoring the interests of Wall Street over Main Street.
If we can get average Americans to set their sights that high, they might be able to glimpse the more fundamental changes that will be required to reshape the US economy and society into something that will enable future generations to not only survive, but thrive.
Okay, I’ll admit it. I have often lost patience with long-time friends support
Clinton. I have been impatient and said disrespectful things that I regret. I
don’t want to make excuses for my behavior, but in my defense I have to say
that it is very frustrating that so few of them seem to be willing to take a
look at why “Bernie bros” are so adamant in their support of Sanders. It seems
obvious to us that we have an historic opportunity to decisively reject the
assumption that a person can only be elected President if they are backed by
powerful economic players. How could anyone choose Wall Street’s golden girl
over a champion of campaign finance reform and all the progressive battles we
will never win until it is achieved? To paraphrase the unofficial motto of the
first Clinton’s campaign: “It’s the corruption, stupid!
That’s not meant to be personal, of course. It’s just that the seemingly
willful blindness of Clinton supporters is maddening to those of us who
recognize the need for a real political revolution to end control of the
political process by the narrow economic elite she represents. However, the
idea that they are willing to stay with a candidate who has done nothing but
abuse them and sweet talk them with broken promises should inspire pity, not
wrath. Their passion for Clinton may be irrational, but isn’t that the nature
of love? It is not helpful to lash out at them for seeing the best in her, even
when what they see is not there. That is, after all, a common feature in the
battered spouse syndrome. Democrats who support Clinton show all the signs of
this depressingly common condition.
We Sanders supporters are not helping our case by lashing out at the very
people we should be trying to reach. We need to take a deep breath, remember
that these are people we care about, and realize that self-destructive
behaviors are common in people who have been abused. We may be surprised that
they are not acting like the people we thought they were, but these are our friends! We have been through so much with them over
the years that we cannot abandon them when they most need understanding. It is no
doubt this emotional bond that makes us so angry when we see them debase
themselves by asking for more abuse from the Democratic Party. We are only
angry at them because we care.
Despite a long history of abusive relationships with past Democratic politicians,
those who have fallen victim to Clinton’s wiles fail to recognize that the
party they have sworn not to forsake is not what they thought it was. Like
victims of other forms of abuse, they seem to be attracted to those very characteristics
which prevent a healthy relationship. While the dysfunctional nature of the relationship
is obvious to those of us who can view the situation objectively, to the
star-crossed hopefuls who desperately want to believe that they have found true
love, the party can do no wrong. Every time they think they have found someone
who understands them and who shares their interests, they find out too late (if
ever) that they are understood all too well, and have fallen for another politician
who will exploit their weakness for their own purposes.
Clinton supporters are often quite intelligent people. Knowing this, their friends
have to wonder why they tolerate the abuse they have suffered from the
Democratic Party without complaint. The answer isn’t complicated. They are so
blinded by the love for the one they are in bed with that they accept any
excuse for her actions that allows them to cling to the fantasy that they are
cared for. Confronted with bald
faced lies, they would rather accept ridiculous excuses
than face the truth that the person they have chosen has no respect for them. The
fact that a number of these lies are over such trivial
matters that they suggest
a compulsion doesn’t even seem to cause them concern.
Oh sure, such people can be nice. Not to accuse Clinton specifically, but let’s
admit it: Everyone knows that psychopaths
can be the most charming people in the world. For instance, the fact that
she makes a show of supporting the rights of women and children in public doesn’t
necessarily mean she is compassionate. If this were a deeply held value, would
she not care as much for women and children in Iraq, Ukraine,
Libya, Syrian or any nation targeted by her neocon friends? Her capacity
for violence is well known, and at times she does not even bother to hide the pleasure it brings her.
It doesn’t cost her a thing to say nice things about people to get votes, but
those who are taken in are not seeing the glaring inconsistencies in her
behavior.
I don’t want people to get the idea that I am exaggerating my concerns about my
Clinton-loving friends for effect. For the most part, the abuse has been subtle
but all the signs are there. Let’s face it: If they haven’t learned from the mistakes they
have made in past relationships, they aren’t going to see this one coming. They
are likely to deny it when it gets worse, and the suffering she inflicts gets
more serious. Just look at how many of them still moon over Bill, after all his
transgressions. He wasn’t just a liar and a cheater. He put our finances at
risk with NAFTA and banking regulation, destroyed the party’s already shaky reputation
for favoring diplomacy over war by introducing “humanitarian intervention” in
Kosovo, and did a lot of other disgraceful things that Clintonites have
forgiven or forgotten, if they were ever acknowledged.
I am trying to be understanding, but like many Americans, I am dismayed at the
fact that anyone who considers herself a progressive would choose a
business-as-usual “pragmatist” like Clinton over someone with a long record of
supporting real solutions to the problems threatening the US middle class. Anyone who looks at the record of past failed
relationships with Democratic politicians objectively can see the problem is in
falling in love with the false image they present to us, even when all the
clues are there.
We don’t have to “settle.” We deserve better. Despite our past mistakes in choosing who to
trust, we do not deserve to be treated this way. The only reason anyone accepts
this is that they don’t want to face the shame of being played for a fool. The
truth is that most of us have been there at some point in our lives. We need to
let those stuck in this mental prison know they are not alone. It is not being
“realistic” to accept that they cannot do better. Now that we actually have a
choice, we need to take it. Let’s recognize that ever since Bill strayed off on
the Third Way, Democrats have lost their sense of identity. They must find the
will to deal with the endemic corruption of electoral politics that the
Democratic establishment has embraced. At
the risk of idealizing Sanders as “Mr. Right,” the choice seems clear.
Now that Clinton has virtually sewed up the Democratic nomination, it’s time
for Sanders supporters to reassess their commitment to the political revolution
he represents. There seems little doubt that those who have not yet voted will
cast their ballots for him when they have the chance. The issue is what they
will do in November. It is a sure thing that the revolution will not continue if
Bernie’s backers line up behind with Clinton. Will they submit to the politics
of fear, hold their noses and vote for the representative of all that they
stand against, as Clinton and her smug supporters assume? Or will they hold their ground, choosing to
risk a Trump presidency to make the point that there is a line that
progressives will not cross? That is the question at the heart of the Bernie or
Bust strategy.
It has been argued
that Bernie or Bust was a way to influence how Democrats voted in the primaries.
The idea was that if voters leaning toward Clinton understood the depth of
disgust toward the darling
of Wall Street, they would realize that she could actually lose by Sanders
supporters withholding their support. The hope was that many of those who
preferred Sanders’ stands on the issues would quit rationalizing their support
of Clinton on the false premise that she was more electable, which polls
have consistently indicated is not the case. That argument is now moot, however. So, is there
still a place for the Bernie or Bust strategy, or was it always just about appealing
to the fears of Democratic rank-and-file? For anyone who understands just how
desperately we need a political revolution, the only possible answer is a
resounding “yes.”
It is positively mind-blowing to many Sanders supporters that a majority of
Democrats nationwide have up until now cast their votes for a candidate backed
by Wall Street who has a record of
unrivaled militarism, claims
that universal health care is economically unsound despite all the proof to
the contrary, who lies
even about trivial things (and then about lying about them),backs
free trade except when running for
President, calls her Democratic opponent a
liar and his supports naïve,
then insists that he is destroying the Democrat’s chance to beat Trump. There
are no rational grounds to argue that she is any kind of progressive, even in
the absolutely broadest sense of the term. Those serious about political “revolution” can
hardly support her just when they have the chance to make clear the depth of
their conviction that they can no longer accept the status quo.
What Clinton supporters do not seem to realize is that this election is not
just about what we are going to accomplish in the next four years. It is about
how to reverse the 25-year slide to the right the US has undergone since the
last Clinton gave us the “third way,” which
many refer to as “Republican lite.” Blind Democratic loyalists do not seem to realize
that the party has not failed because “conservative” ideas have become more
popular, but because those who profess progressive ideals are unwilling to demand
that politicians fight for real political solutions, or
even discuss them. The Democratic strategy for negotiations always starts
with the assumption that nothing is “politically possible” if it challenges the
interests of the economic elite who finance the campaigns of candidates of both
Duopoly parties. This reflexive attitude is a direct result of Bill Clinton’s
capitulation to the corrupting influence of money in politics, the fight
against which is at the heart of the Sanders campaign.
It started when Bill Clinton supported NAFTA, welfare “reform,” banking
deregulation, “humanitarian intervention” in Kosovo, three strikes,
discriminatory drug crime sentencing and other policies favored by the
conservatives and corporate donors he was courting. He has never been held
responsible for doing what no Republican would have been able to. Like Hillary,
he was granted immunity from all his reprehensible actions because he was
unjustly accused of others. The time for excuses is over.
The American economy has been devastated by the actions of Clinton’s Wall
Street patrons, who not only remain unpunished but continue to direct economic
policy. Economic inequality rivals that of the Gilded Age. College debt is economically
handicapping a generation. Health care costs remain out of control and tens of
millions remain uninsured despite the added cost to taxpayers of Obamacare. We
are engaged in what appears to be endless war, with Clinton promising to double
down in Syria, Libya and anywhere else where the interests of her corporate
backers in the military industrial complex are threatened. Most critically, we
are entering a period when climate instability threatens the existence of human
civilization and possibly the survival of mankind.
Climate change will determine how much time we have to deal with the
consequences of corporate control of the US government. As Bill McKibbin and
others have been warning with increasing urgency, time
is running out to act. There is nothing in Clinton’s record to suggest that
she will stand up to those who have put her in power. Even when she claims to
oppose a corporate power grab like TPP or NAFTA, she only
does so when she is in the spotlight of a presidential campaign and in
doing so, lies about
her record of past support. How can we trust her when the survival of the
planet is at stake?
“Incrementalism” has proven itself over the years to be two steps backward for
every one forward. Clintonism has been the path that has led to this point. We
cannot wait four years or more to let the Democratic Party know that we are not
going to tolerate the corruption of the system that has led nearly 40% of Americans
to give up on voting. If we are ever going to force our government to act
in our own interests, we must refuse to vote for candidates who make excuses
for not even trying, calling it “pragmatism.” The only reason that single payer
health care, ending a self-defeating “war” on terror, regulating the banking
and finance industry and creating an economy that works for everyone are “not
politically possible” is that average Americans and their elected officials
accept the corruption of money in politics as normal, when it should be
unacceptable.
OUR GOAL: The eradication of war by restoring democracy in America.
OUR MISSION: To challenge the US Congress to put the needs of the people above those of their plutocratic sponsors. We can only establish democracy in America and the world by working together to abolish the "rights" of corporations and those who control them to determine the collective destiny of the Peoples of the United States and of the world.
THE PROBLEM: is not that the American government does not work. It works fine for those who own it, just not for the people of America. It is corporate control of Congress that permits the enslavement of Peoples of other nations and ultimately, Americans as well.
Now that the global economic elite are bringing their tools of subjugation to the United States, we must fight back together to ensure that the hope of government of the People, by the People and for the People does not perish from the Earth.
Together, we can mend the social fabric of a broken nation and assure liberty and justice for all the Peoples of the planet we share.
War and lack of health care are symptoms of the same disease: corporate control of the US government. That is why we must take back America for the people by working to pass a Constitutional amendment to get corporate money out of elections and abolish corporate personhood. This is the essential first step to creating true representative government.
Until Americans learn to fight their common enemy instead of each other, there is no reason to expect real change. We must put aside our differences to fight the imposition of a corporate New World Order if we are going to ensure that our children grow up in a rational, sustainable world where war is but a memory.